About everything in the world

"Manifesto of the Communist Party. Free Consciousness Manifesto Slow Thought Creates Its Time and Place

Formation of the philosophy of Marxism Oizerman Teodor Ilyich

5. "Manifesto of the Communist Party"

The brilliant work of Marx and Engels, The Communist Manifesto, occupies a special place in the history of Marxism. This comparatively small work is a classically clear, aphoristically vivid, full of revolutionary passion and strictly scientific exposition of the foundations of Marxism. Open, militant party spirit, inextricably linked with the deepest dialectical-materialist study of the socio-historical process, an all-penetrating materialist analysis of the most difficult social problems, the organic unity of theory with revolutionary practice, with the experience of the liberation struggle of the proletariat - all these features of the "Manifesto of the Communist Party" reveal the essence of that revolution in philosophy, sociology and political economy, which Marx and Engels did. “In this work,” Lenin notes, “with brilliant clarity and brightness, a new world outlook is outlined, consistent materialism, embracing the area of ​​​​social life, dialectics, as the most comprehensive and profound doctrine of development, the theory of the class struggle and the world-historical revolutionary role of the proletariat, creator of a new, communist society" (4, 26; 48).

Marxism, says Lenin, has provided a guiding thread that makes it possible to discover regularity in the apparent chaos and labyrinth of social life— class struggle theory. The foundations of this theory, developed in The Holy Family, The German Ideology, and other works of the preceding period, are classically expounded in the Communist Manifesto. Marx and Engels show that the struggle between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie is not an exceptional phenomenon, unprecedented in world history: since the emergence of private ownership of the means of production and the formation of opposing classes, the struggle between them has been the driving force behind the development of society.

Some contemporaries of Marx and Engels, recognizing the existence of a class struggle in ancient and feudal society, argued that under capitalism there is no ground for class struggle, since there are no estate partitions, privileges, etc. The "Manifesto of the Communist Party" refutes this bourgeois dogma, proving that capitalism, to an even greater extent than previous social formations, causes the class polarization of society. The sharpening of the contradictions between the main classes of capitalist society follows from the very mechanism of capitalist production.

Marx and Engels develop and concretize the concepts of social class and the class structure of society that they previously put forward. Each historically defined form of society presupposes a specific division into main classes and other social strata, peculiar only to it. Each class, in turn, is made up of various social groups, between which there are contradictions. The antagonism of classes also has diverse forms of manifestation: it is either explicit or hidden, its development, aggravation leads to social revolutions, the result of which may be the defeat of one of the classes or the death of both.

Modern bourgeois sociologists usually argue that the theory of class struggle set forth in the "Commanifesto" is allegedly outdated. From their point of view, society does not consist of classes, but of numerous layers, strata, grouping individuals according to various criteria: age, gender, income level, education, personal inclinations, etc. One and the same individual simultaneously belongs to several strata, he constantly moves from one stratum to another. The theory of stratification and social mobility, which bourgeois sociologists oppose to the Marxist theory of class struggle, nullifies the most important definition of the social position of workers - their relationship to the means of production. Thus, if the bourgeois ideologists of the time of the "Commanifesto" recognized the existence of opposing classes, but argued that this opposition is gradually decreasing, then the ideologists of the modern bourgeoisie reduce the opposition between classes to supposedly disappearing differences. Meanwhile, the outstanding merit of the authors of the "Commanifesto", as Lenin emphasizes, lies not only in the scientific analysis of the class structure of society, the role of the class struggle in world history and especially in the development of the capitalist formation; Marx and Engels, tracing the development of the struggle between the main classes of bourgeois society, come to the brilliant conclusion that the natural result of this irreconcilable struggle is the dictatorship of the proletariat. The entire content of the "Manifesto of the Communist Party" theoretically substantiates this most important proposition of Marxism.

The production relations of each social formation are also class relations. The class structure of society expresses its economic structure, the economic basis that determines the political, legal, and ideological superstructure of society. The conflict between the productive forces and production relations is also a conflict between the exploiting (dominating) and exploited (enslaved) classes of a given formation. The solution to this antagonistic contradiction is the social revolution. The social revolution of the bourgeoisie is crowned by the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, the social revolution of the proletariat by the dictatorship of the working class.

Revealing the inner content of social revolutions and various types of states, Marx and Engels come to the conclusion that the liquidation of the exploiting classes is possible only through the dictatorship of the oppressed, exploited class. The fact that only the proletariat can be this revolutionary class is substantiated by a scientific analysis of the development of capitalism. The bourgeoisie has played a revolutionary role in history. It destroyed patriarchal relations between people, drowned religious ecstasy, chivalrous enthusiasm, petty-bourgeois sentimentality in the icy water of selfish calculation. All this destructive work, which seemed to the feudal "socialists" a monstrous vandalism and terrified the mind of the petty bourgeois, was historically necessary and progressive, because thanks to it capitalism did away with the conservatism characteristic of the previous modes of production.

The bourgeoisie has created more powerful productive forces than all previous generations put together. “She showed for the first time what human activity can achieve” (1, 4; 427). However, having abolished feudal relations of production, having created a new, more progressive mode of production, which ensured the development of powerful productive forces, the bourgeoisie is like a magician who is unable to cope with the underground forces caused by his spell. The constant revolutionization of the production process, due to the very nature of large-scale industry, inevitably comes into conflict with the striving of the bourgeoisie to preserve capitalist relations and its political dominance. The development of the productive forces of society condemns capitalism, just as in its time it condemned the feudal system to ruin.

Capitalism eliminates local and national isolation, develops all-round ties between peoples, and accelerates the pace of social progress. The concentration and centralization of production and property unite the population of a capitalist country into one nation, with one government. This process corresponds to the consolidation of classes on a national scale, the intensification of the class struggle. Capitalist accumulation multiplies the ranks of the proletariat and creates the material prerequisites for its class organization. “Thus, with the development of large-scale industry, the very foundation on which it produces and appropriates products breaks out from under the feet of the bourgeoisie. It produces above all its own grave-diggers. Its death and the victory of the proletariat are equally inevitable” (1, 4; 436).

The struggle of the proletariat against the bourgeoisie begins from the time of the emergence of this class. Gradually, clashes between individual workers and entrepreneurs develop into a class struggle against the bourgeoisie. “And every class struggle is a political struggle” (1, 4; 433). This means that, in the final analysis, the struggle of the proletariat against the bourgeoisie is a struggle for power, for the socialist reorganization of social relations, and not for improving the conditions for the exploitation of the working class.

Under the influence of the ever-intensifying class struggle, which is unfolding not only in the economic and political sphere, but also in ideology, the disintegration of the ruling class begins, as a result of which “a small part of the ruling class renounces it and joins the revolutionary class, the class to which the future belongs.” (ibid.). However, the achievement of socialism is possible only as a result of a protracted struggle of the proletariat against the capitalist class, which in the final analysis logically “turns into an open revolution, and the proletariat establishes its rule through the violent overthrow of the bourgeoisie” (ibid., 435).

Marx and Engels do not use here, as elsewhere in the Communist Manifesto, the term "dictatorship of the proletariat". This term was first used by Marx in 1850 in his work The Class Struggle in France from 1848 to 1850. However, the main content of this concept has already been formulated in the Communist Manifesto. Defining the main tasks of the socialist revolution, Marx and Engels point out that “the first step in the workers' revolution is the transformation of the proletariat into the ruling class, the conquest of democracy.

The proletariat uses its political dominance to wrest all capital from the bourgeoisie step by step, to centralize all the instruments of production in the hands of the state, i.e. the proletariat organized as the ruling class, and to increase the sum of the productive forces as rapidly as possible” (1, 4; 446). IN AND. Lenin, explaining these provisions, wrote: “Here we see the formulation of one of the most remarkable and most important ideas of Marxism on the question of the state, namely the idea of ​​the “dictatorship of the proletariat” ...” (4, 33; 24).

It has already been shown in previous chapters that how Marx and Engels came up with the idea of ​​the historical role of the proletariat. However, in 1844 - 1846. they did not yet consider that the proletariat could fulfill its mission only by establishing the dictatorship of the proletariat: at that time they basically reduced the tasks of the working class to the destruction of the capitalist system. The subsequent participation of Marx and Engels in the struggle of the French, English, and German workers against the bourgeoisie and the study of the historical experience of the emancipation movement of the proletariat led them to the conclusion that the dictatorship of the proletariat was necessary. The Communist Manifesto considers the conquest of political power by the proletariat the most important precondition for achieving it. ultimate goals - the creation of a classless communist society in which "the free development of each is a condition for the free development of all" (1, 4; 447).

Arguing that of all the classes of bourgeois society, only the proletariat is a socialist class in nature, the founders of Marxism overcome the abstract opposition of the have-nots to the haves, the poor to the rich, which is characteristic of petty-bourgeois democrats, and the insufficiently defined demand for democracy that follows from this. Recognizing the possibility and necessity of an alliance between the proletariat and the petty bourgeoisie and the peasantry, Marx and Engels reveal the objective regularity precisely the dictatorship of the proletariat showing that of all the classes of bourgeois society, only the proletariat is completely revolutionary. "Recognition of the need dictatorships proletariat, - wrote V.I. Lenin - in the closest and most inseparable way connected with the proposition of the Communist Manifesto that the proletariat alone there is a truly revolutionary class” (4, 6; 229).

The Communist Manifesto lays the foundation for the Marxist doctrine of the revolutionary proletarian party as the vanguard and political leader of the working class. Already in the revolutionary-democratic period of their ideological development, Marx and Engels put forward the idea of ​​party membership, linking it with the idea of ​​revolutionary action in the interests of the exploited masses. Now they substantiate the principle of proletarian party membership, which is inextricably linked with a scientific understanding of the special historical role of the working class.

In 1844 - 1846. Marx and Engels characterized their communist views as a certain party platform, calling their party an ideological current expressing the interests of the working class. What is new in the Communist Manifesto is, firstly, that the party is here regarded as organization advanced representatives of the working class, on behalf of which Marx and Engels speak. The immediate tasks and ultimate goals of this organization, its structure, as well as the duties and rights of its members are determined, on the one hand, by the program, which is the "Manifesto", and on the other hand, by the charter, which, as already reported above, was adopted by Congress " Union of Communists.

Secondly, in developing the foundations of the doctrine of the party, Marx and Engels formulate a number of important propositions on the relationship of the party to the working class. The Communist Party singles out and defends general, international interests Total the proletariat; at all stages of his liberation movement, she represents this movement as a whole. Its revolutionary theory is a scientific reflection of the objectively ongoing historical process, of the actually ongoing struggle of the proletariat against the bourgeoisie. Therefore, the Communists have no interests that do not coincide with the vital interests of the proletariat of all countries. “Communists fight in the name of the immediate goals and interests of the working class, but at the same time, in the movement of today, they also defend the future of the movement” (1, 4; 458). The advantage of the Communist Party over other organizations of the working class lies in the fact that it is the most active, resolute proletarian organization that impels forward movement, possessing a scientific understanding of the conditions, course and general results of the proletarian movement.

This characterization of the main features of the Communist Party is directly and directly directed both against sectarianism, which separates the fundamental tasks of the proletariat from the concrete historical conditions of its activity, and against the opportunist reduction of the ultimate goal of the proletarian struggle to particular, current, limited tasks.

Speaking out against sectarianism, which is especially pernicious in the conditions of the approaching bourgeois-democratic revolution, the Manifesto explains that the Communist Party supports “every revolutionary movement directed against the existing social and political system ...

Communists everywhere are seeking unification and agreement among the democratic parties of all countries” (1, 4; 459).

The "Manifesto of the Communist Party" subjects the theoretical foundations of bourgeois ideology to devastating criticism. Its representatives, not admitting the possibility of the existence of any other property than capitalist, accuse the communists of wanting to destroy property altogether. But communism does not abolish property in general (which, of course, is impossible and unnecessary), it only abolishes capitalist property.

Bourgeois ideologists attribute to the communists the desire to abolish personal property acquired by the labor of the producer himself. But if we are talking about petty-bourgeois property, then capitalism destroys it. Capital, on the other hand, is not personal property, and therefore socialist socialization does not mean the abolition of personal property, but a transition from private ownership of the means of production to socialist ownership.

The bourgeois call the liquidation of private property the destruction of freedom and the individual. They therefore identify freedom with the freedom of capitalist enterprise, and the individual with the personality of the bourgeois. “You confess, therefore, that you do not recognize anyone as a person except the bourgeois, i.e. bourgeois owner. Such a person really must be destroyed” (1, 4; 440).

Exposing the hypocrisy of bourgeois phrases about family, marriage, fatherland, the Communist Manifesto notes that the addition to the bourgeois family and marriage is prostitution, that the bourgeois state is a prison for working people; only in the struggle against the bourgeoisie, overthrowing its political dominance and establishing its own power, does the proletariat find its real fatherland. The proletariat, of course, is national, but unlike the bourgeoisie, it is hostile to nationalism. The proletariat must organize on a national scale as the ruling class, abolish exploitation, and with it national oppression. The interests of the workers of all countries and nationalities are the same. This unity is conditioned by the development of social production; from it flow the common tasks of the workers of all countries and, in the main, common paths for their social emancipation.

Bourgeois ideologists accuse the communists of irrevocably breaking with traditional spiritual values. Marx and Engels counterpose this false accusation with the materialistic proposition that the ideas of each historical epoch depend on the prevailing relations of production. True, bourgeois ideologists assure us that there are supra-historical ideas and ideals. To this, Marx and Engels reply that in all antagonistic societies certain ideas, ideals, which are common to all these formations, really dominate, since “the exploitation of one part of society by another is a fact common to all past centuries. It is not surprising, therefore, that the social consciousness of all ages, in spite of all diversity and all differences, moves in certain general forms, in forms of consciousness that will completely disappear only with the final disappearance of the antithesis of classes.

The communist revolution is the most decisive break with property relations inherited from the past; it is not surprising that in the course of its development it breaks most decisively with ideas inherited from the past” (1, 4; 445-446). This proposition allows a deeper understanding of the revolutionary upheaval in the development of social thought brought about by Marxism. Sweeping aside bourgeois assertions about the nihilism allegedly inherent in scientific communism, it unambiguously clearly indicates what kind of ideas Marxism irrevocably breaks with.

The Communist Manifesto contrasts scientific communism with non-scientific, utopian socialist and communist theories. First of all, Marx and Engels criticize reactionary socialism, to which they include feudal and adjoining Christian, as well as petty-bourgeois socialism, including its German variety. All these teachings are characterized by the idealization of the historical past, the desire to prevent the development of capitalism, to revive or preserve obsolete social relations. In their critique of capitalism, these teachings often spotted its real vices. But their positive program boils down mainly to the defense of the guild organization of industry and patriarchal agriculture.

Conservative, or bourgeois, socialism is, in fact, only an apology for the capitalist system, covered up with socialist phraseology. “Free trade! in the interests of the working class; protective duties! in the interests of the working class; solitary prisons! in the interests of the working class—that is the last word of bourgeois socialism, the only word spoken seriously” (1, 4; 454).

Marx and Engels then proceed to consider critical utopian socialism and communism. The first attempts of the proletariat to achieve social liberation date back to the era of bourgeois revolutions of the 17th-18th centuries. The ideological expression of these first attempts was, in particular, the utopian communism of Babeuf and other revolutionary figures, of which Marx and Engels say: “The revolutionary literature that accompanied these first movements of the proletariat is inevitably reactionary in its content. She preaches universal asceticism and rough equalization” (1, 4; 455). This indication of the mutually exclusive tendencies inherent in the original utopian communism - revolutionary and reactionary - is of great methodological significance; it allows a concrete-historical assessment of both Babouvism and subsequent utopian systems.

Although the era of Saint-Simon, Fourier, and Owen differs essentially from the era of Babeuf, nevertheless, even at that time there were still no material prerequisites for socialism, and the proletariat had not yet become a politically independent class. Hence the characteristic features of critically utopian socialism: socialism is seen as an ideal created by a genius, and the socialist reorganization of society as the implementation of the system of this genius.

The workers of critical utopian socialism believe that they rise above the classes; they do not see in the proletariat any capacity for historical initiative, reject political struggle, revolutionary violence, and appeal to the whole of society, especially to those in power, trying to captivate them with enticing descriptions of a beautiful socialist future. “This fantastic description of the future of society arises at a time when the proletariat is still in a very undeveloped state and therefore imagines its own position is still fantastic, it arises from the proletariat’s first foreboding impulse towards a general transformation of society” (1, 4; 456).

For all its historically conditioned limitations, critical utopian socialism is remarkable for its criticism of the capitalist system, its anticipation of such basic features of the future society as the elimination of the antithesis between town and country, mental and physical labor, the withering away of the state, etc. But the significance of critically utopian socialism and communism is inversely related to socio-historical development, which leads to the transformation of the proletariat into a class for itself, to the intensification of the struggle between the working class and the bourgeoisie, to the proletarian revolution, i.e. to everything that was rejected by critical-utopian socialism. “Therefore, if the founders of these systems were revolutionary in many respects, their disciples always form reactionary sects. They hold fast to the old views of their teachers, regardless of the further historical development of the proletariat" (1, 4; 456-457).

Thus, these socialist theories, too, due to their isolation from the liberation movement of the working class, come closer in the course of historical development to reactionary and conservative pseudo-socialism. This circumstance not only helps to understand the history of the socialist teachings of the past that is already far from us, but also sheds light on the evolution of petty-bourgeois socialism, reformism and revisionism in the 20th century.

The Communist Manifesto ends with the prophetic words: “Let the ruling classes tremble before the Communist Revolution. The proletarians have nothing to lose in it except their chains. They will gain the whole world.

PROLETARIANS OF ALL COUNTRIES UNITE!" (1, 4; 459).

This militant call of the Communist Party, calling for the fight against capitalism, expresses the most important revolutionary internationalist principle of the scientific ideology of the working class, the classical formulation of which, as it were, crowns the process of the formation of Marxism.

In the Communist Manifesto we do not find such words as "materialistic dialectics", "dialectical materialism", etc. However, this entire epoch-making work is a brilliant example of the dialectical-materialist understanding of social life. The founders of Marxism brilliantly reveal the dialectic of the development of capitalism, which prepares the prerequisites for its inevitable death. The study of the phenomena of social life in their interdependence, in motion, change, and contradictory development, the materialistic understanding of bourgeois ideology as a reflection of social being - all this, of course, is a creative development of dialectical and historical materialism.

The modern bourgeoisie sets before its ideologists the task of creating a social theory that would inspire the masses with faith in capitalism. “Finding words with which we can address people is the primary task of the spiritual leaders of our people” (35; 261), wrote one of the most prominent leaders of the American bourgeoisie, D.F. Dulles. Dulles called on bourgeois ideologists to oppose Marxism-Leninism, the political strategy of the CPSU, "possessing tremendous attractive power," such an ideological concept that would bring victory to capitalism in the "war of ideas." One of the responses to this call was the above-mentioned book by L. Kelso and M. Adler, pretentiously called "The Capitalist Manifesto". Its authors defined their task as follows: “The Capitalist Manifesto is intended to replace the Communist Manifesto as a call to action – initially within our country, and then under its leadership and on a global scale” (46; 3-4). What ideas did Kelso and Adler put forward, what did they try to oppose to the great creation of Marx and Engels? These apologists of capitalism decided to prove that modern bourgeois society is fundamentally different from the capitalism of the middle of the last century, that it is entering a period of “capitalist revolution”, the task of which is to “make everyone capitalists, instead of giving no one the opportunity to be a capitalist” (ibid., 103).

A little more than a decade and a half has passed since the publication of the Capitalist Manifesto by Kelso and Adler. Their book is already covered in dust on the library shelves. And the Communist Manifesto, which began its life over 125 years ago, is a book that is read and studied by tens and hundreds of millions of people in the languages ​​of all peoples of the world. The bourgeoisie has nothing to oppose to the Communist Manifesto.

The "Manifesto of the Communist Party" is the great result of the process of formation of the worldview of Marxism. Theoretically summarizing the experience of historical development, scientifically anticipating the future, the Manifesto of the Communist Party poses new problems and tasks for the science of society, for the workers' movement.

As a genuine work of creative Marxism, The Communist Manifesto does not pretend to be a solution all theoretical, and even more so practical problems of the liberation movement of the proletariat. This also reveals the fundamental difference between the Marxist worldview and all previous, including progressive, social theories.

The Communist Manifesto opens with the significant words: “A ghost haunts Europe – the ghost of communism. All the forces of old Europe have united for the sacred persecution of this ghost: the pope and the tsar, Metternich and Guizot, the French radicals and the German policemen" (1, 4; 423). In our time, communism has become a great historical reality that determines the general direction of social progress. Today, even bourgeois ideologists do not dare to assert that the future belongs to capitalism, that the division of society into classes is natural and logical, that the poverty and deprivation of the overwhelming majority of mankind cannot be eliminated. This clearly testifies both to the deep spiritual crisis of capitalism and to the great attractive force of the scientific socialist ideology. The liberation movement of the working people and the construction of a classless communist society are world-historical confirmation of the great vital truth of Marxism-Leninism.

From the book Volume 18 author Engels Friedrich

K. MARX and F. ENGELS PREFACE TO THE 1872 GERMAN EDITION OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY MANIFESTO

From the book Volume 19 author Engels Friedrich

K. MARX and F. ENGELS PREFACE TO THE SECOND RUSSIAN EDITION OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY MANIFESTO The first Russian edition of the Communist Manifesto, translated by Bakunin, appeared in the early 1960s; it was printed in the Kolokola printing house. At that

From the book Volume 21 author Engels Friedrich

PREFACE TO THE 1883 GERMAN EDITION OF THE MANIFESTO OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY Unfortunately, I have to sign the preface to this edition alone. Marx is the man to whom the entire working class of Europe and America is indebted more than to anyone else -

From the book Volume 22 author Engels Friedrich

From the book Volume 5 author Engels Friedrich

PREFACE TO THE 1890 GERMAN EDITION OF THE MANIFESTO OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY Since the above lines were written, a new German edition of the Manifesto has been required, and much has happened to the Manifesto itself, which should be mentioned here.

From the book Volume 4 author Engels Friedrich

PREFACE TO THE 1892 POLISH EDITION OF THE MANIFESTO OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY

From the book Articles of different years author Bagaturia Georgy Alexandrovich

From the book The Formation of the Philosophy of Marxism author Oizerman Teodor Ilyich

K. MARX and F. ENGELS COMMUNIST MANIFESTO

From the book Marxist Philosophy in the 19th century. Book one (From the emergence of Marxist philosophy to its development in the 50s - 60s of the XIX century) by the author

Engels as co-author of the "Manifesto of the Communist Party" It is well known that one of the favorite tricks on the part of the critics of Marxism is to oppose Marx and Engels to each other. The failure of such attempts is obvious: it is difficult to point out in history

From the book History of Marxist Dialectics (From the Emergence of Marxism to the Leninist Stage) by the author

The Formation of the Theoretical Content and Logical Structure of the "Communist Manifesto"

From the book Dialectical Materialism author Alexandrov Georgy Fyodorovich

5. The Communist Manifesto The brilliant work of Marx and Engels, The Communist Manifesto, occupies a special place in the history of Marxism. This relatively small work is classically clear, aphoristically vivid, full of revolutionary passion and strictly

From the author's book

2. The scientific program of the communist transformation of the world and its philosophical justification. "Manifesto of the Communist Party" The completion of the formation of Marxism, the classic presentation of its main provisions is the brilliant work of Marx and Engels

From the author's book

6. "Manifesto of the Communist Party" - the result of the development of the dialectical-materialist concept of the development of society "Manifesto of the Communist Party", written in late 1847 - early 1848, is rightfully considered not only as the first program document

From the author's book

6. THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE MARXIST PROPOSITION ON MOVEMENT AND DEVELOPMENT FOR THE PRACTICAL ACTIVITY OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY

From the author's book

6. THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE MARXIST PROPOSITION ON THE MATERIALITY OF THE WORLD FOR THE PRACTICAL ACTIVITY OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY If the world develops according to the laws of the motion of matter, if the connection of natural phenomena and their mutual conditioning represent the laws of the development of nature;

In 1986, at the foot of the Spanish Steps on the Spanish Steps - the most famous square in Rome - a McDonald's restaurant was opened. The invasion of cheap American fast food into the heart of Rome has caused a sensation. One of the protesters was left-wing Italian journalist Carlo Petrini, who initiated a movement called Slow Food. Petrini stood for locally grown produce, biodiversity and above all the enjoyment of true Italian taste. In the late 1990s, the idea grew into Cittaslow - "Slow Cities", part of a broader cultural concept called Slow Movement (" Slow movement").

The Norwegian philosopher Guttorm Fløistad rode the wave of the Slow Movement when he wrote:

“The only thing we know for sure is that things are changing. The pace of change is accelerating. If you want to keep up with the times, it's better to speed up. That is today's message. However, it would be useful to remind everyone that our basic needs remain the same. The need to be noticed and appreciated is the main one. The need for intimacy and care, a drop of love! It is satisfied only in the slowness of human relations. In order to master change, we need to regain slowness, reflection, and unity. In them we will find true rebirth."

Advocating "slowness in human relations," the Slow Movement appears conservative while constructively calling for respect for local culture, as well as for slower, more natural rhythms, as opposed to the ultra-fast, digital, and mechanically measured pace of a technocratic society, which Neil Postman in 1992 called "technopoly".

The movement serves as a contrast to the predatory multinational corporations that seek to squeeze local craftsmen in everything from agriculture to architecture out of the market. Slow movement creates a kind of modern commune in each local environment - a convivium that fits its place and time. Communities declare their specific needs against the onslaught of faceless bureaucracy and the interests of transnational corporations.

This article is my Slow Thought manifesto. This is the first step towards the psychiatry of the event based on the French philosopher Alain Badiou's definition of the event, a new basis for ontology - how we think about being or existence.

An event is an unpredictable change in the everyday world that opens the way for new possibilities. Three conditions for an event - that something happens to us (by pure chance, no fate, no determinism), we give a name to what happened, and we remain faithfulthis event.

In Badiou's philosophy, through the event, we become subjects. By naming it and being faithful to it, the subject becomes the subject of its truth. My proposal for "event psychiatry" describes both how we get stuck in the everyday world and what brings change and new possibilities.


Having studied the significance of the event methodically, I wish to clarify and illuminate Slow Thought with the help of seven proclamations:

1. Unhurried thought is characterized by Socrates' walks, Levinas' personal meeting and Bakhtin's dialogism

These three philosophers share a methodical, thoughtful, practically heavy approach to philosophical puzzles. Socrates spent his time walking around the squares of ancient Athens, striking up conversations with people with disarmingly simple questions. Closer to our times, Lithuanian Jew Emmanuel Levinas, a Holocaust survivor in France, insisted that being human is a face-to-face meeting where the ethics of how we treat each other transcends and takes precedence over everything in general. The Russian thinker Mikhail Bakhtin analyzed literature as dialogical or kinship encounters, even in monologues or internal dialogues, where there is always an implicit other who listens and asks questions. All three philosophers consider thinking to be a relational activity - slowed down by walking around the square or talking face to face.

2. Slow thought creates its own time and place.

Slow thought exists beyond geopolitical boundaries ("thinking without boundaries", to paraphrase another movement) and resists the actual - defined as "modern". Denying the time constraints of 30-second media syncs and 24-hour news cycles, Slow Thought is asynchronous. This means that it is inconsistent in time, but structured according to the slow logic of thought.

In the Talmudic interpretation of the sacred texts, "pilpul" means a method of dialogue in the form of a question-answer, in which the answer to an ethical question, formulated in Moorish Spain or the Sephardim, can be found in ancient Babylonia. Pilpool is dialogically structured by the canons of philosophical debate, not by historical chronology.

This idea can be reinforced by the story I tell in Letters to a Young Therapist (2011) about my medical school mentor Joel Elks, who met his Lithuanian philosophical mentor in Jerusalem 40 years later. Looking away from his book for a moment, the teacher greeted his former student after the Holocaust, the acquisition of Israel and many wars: “Oh, Joel, I’m reading Plato, will you join?”

3. Slow thought has no object other than itself.

Slow thought imitates the worldview that we risk losing if we rush headlong into the ephemeral future from the unreliable intangible present, the main characteristic of which is speed. Thinking, like life, is never complete, it is a possibility that never runs out, as Giorgio Agamben wrote in his 1996 essay on the philosophy of childhood.

“The Romans had an exceptional expression - vivere vitam, which passed into modern Romance languages ​​- vivre sa vie, vivere la propria vita (“live your own life”). Here we need to restore the full transitive power of the verb vivere - although it does not really take precedence over the object (this is the whole paradox!), But it has no other object than life itself. Life here is an opportunity, a potential that never dries up in biographical facts and events, because it has no object other than itself. It is an absolute immanence that nevertheless moves and lives.

Agamben developed the concept of living one's own life in an essay on childhood because it is central to how we think about children and challenges what I call developmental thinking. We should question the definition of evolution, development at all stages of life and present the course of life differently than through the prism of its speed and some of its milestones.

As a reader of Michel Foucault, Agamben offers us a reflective life as self-care - ironically, this theme recurs in Foucault's later writings as he neared death from AIDS.


Vivere vitam - to live one's own life - resonates very much with Gabriel García Márquez's autobiography Vivir para contarla ("To live to tell about life", 2002). Marquez also wrote while living with a potentially fatal disease. Writing is Marquez's way of living his life, his main practice, his way of thinking. In 2009, in response to claims that he had stopped writing, the writer retorted, "Not only is it not true, writing is the only thing I do." Slow thought, like vivere vitam, has no other object than life itself, which is anchored in central practices and activities that allow us to live more fully in the timeless present, free from the burdens of an imperfect past or the shaky promises of a saving future.

4. Slow thought is porous

In his 1925 essay on Naples with Anna Latsis, Walter Benjamin describes the city as porous:

“There is no stamp of certainty here. Not a single situation seems to be eternal, not a single figure imposes itself, claiming: “this way and no other way.” It is hardly possible to distinguish which building is still under construction, and where dilapidation has already come into its own. Because nothing has been decided. The porosity comes from a passion for improvisation, which demands that space and possibility be preserved at all costs."

If one imagines the culture of Naples as an apparatus (as Foucault assessed as an instrument for structuring society), Benjamin's "porosity" is his name for this apparatus and for the organizing principle that links his observations to the communicative act (essay on Naples/porosity).

“Porosity is an inexhaustible law of the life of this city, visible everywhere. The grain of Sunday is hidden in every weekday, and how many weekdays are on this Sunday!

Slow thought is a porous way of thinking, it is non-categorical, open to chance, which allows people to spontaneously adapt to the demands and vicissitudes of life. The Italians have a word for this “arrangiarsi” (“adapt”), this is the art of improvisation, a way to use the resources at hand to find solutions.

The porosity of Slow Thought opens the way for potential answers to life's difficulties.


5. Slow thought is like a game.

First of all, this means that the rules can be broken. Unhurried thought throws out sets of rules, as Johan Huizinga quoted Erasmus of Rotterdam in his work Homo Ludens (The Playing Man, 1955).

“In my opinion, in studies it is not at all necessary to behave like during a game of cards or dice, where any violation of the rules spoils the game. In an enlightened discussion, there should be nothing outrageous or risky about proposing a new idea.”

This clearly echoes the philosophy of Badiou, the philosophy of the event, which is responsible for innovation - the arrival of new things into the world. In his "Second Manifesto of Philosophy" (2011), Badiou categorically states that "philosophy is nothing unless it is reckless". In its playful recklessness, Slow Thought is not limited by anything. Neither time nor tradition can drive it into a corral. The “game” of Slow thought means not only that the rules will be broken, but also that a break in thought is possible. It is a refusal to accept what Milan Kundera, in his essay 63 Words (1988), calls "nonthought of ideas received".

Huizinga calls the game "an interlude, an interlude in our daily life", perceiving the game (play - also a play) as an activity between the acts of a play or opera, "which are different from ordinary life", "go beyond the general reality". The game creates discreteness, discontinuity in our lives. Being playful, Slow Thought is not opposed to seriousness, but creates its own special meanings. Like a child's game, Slow Thought is voluntary, there is no task in it, it can be postponed or suspended at any time. Play creates its own time, rules, and sense of order, and therefore serves as a model for Slow Thought. And like a game, Slow thought is associated with stupidity, but it is not stupid. The game, according to Huizinga, has no biological or moral function - it is neither a physical necessity nor a moral obligation. There is no material interest in the game and "no profit can be made from it."

Slow thought turns to reflection before judgment, to clarity before calling to action.

Just as play helps a child construct a sense of self, it creates its own community, away from the general world, through disguise or other means, Huizinga says. And yet, without being serious or logical, the game creates its own rules, order and logic. Slow thought seeks to capture, uncover, and decipher the rules, order, and logic of the game.


There is a family resemblance between Slow Thought and other gestures in the history of thought. Lawrence Sterne's work on Tristram Shandy (1759–67) tells its story with many deliberate digressions and divergences, always with a satirical intent. In a famous sonnet, the 17th-century poet John Milton wrote: "Perhaps he serves the High Will no less, who stands and waits." In 1913, Edmund Husserl formulated the concept of epoché - the bracketing of experience, the suspension of judgment. Levinas speaks of lethargy and fatigue as a resistance to existence, and of bagginess as "the impossibility of beginning or ... completing a beginning." Agamben, a philosopher of non-difference and indifference, loves Bartleby's laconic "I'd rather not" approach. Jacques Lacan speaks of la lettre en souffrance, "the unclaimed letter," in his seminar on Edgar Allan Poe's The Stolen Letter (1844), the letter that ends up at the address. Jacques Derrida deconstructs the delay - to the extent that he fails to start the journey at the appointed point, because there are too many starting points. Slow thinking speaks of resistance to the world not as a psychoanalytic defense, but as an indeterminacy and a delay.

From retreat and indifference, through bracketing and suspension, delay, doubt and weariness, to displacement and uncertainty, Slow Thought has many versions of its defining gesture. What they all have in common is procrastination, procrastination, waiting, and a call to reflection before judgment, clarity before a call to action.

6. Slow thought is an anti-method, not a method, it relaxes, lets go and frees thought from the limitations and trauma of tradition

Writing in The Irish Times in 2014 calling on Ireland to introduce teaching philosophy in schools, he opposes the "attempts to take time for reflection" expressed in "the slogans of our techno-consumer era" - Just do it, Move fast and break things, YOLO (You only live once - “we only live once”). They urge us to "act now, think later." Compared to "a consumer society that is constantly trying to take time to think," philosophy is recommended as "a counterbalance to this culture of quick action."

The problem with "quick action" is that it implies a reliable way of doing things and a uniformity that can be sped up if needed. Just as fast food is good for one meal and not good for another, we must remain open to things that take time, both to preserve the value of the past and to form new approaches for the present. Pluralism and diversity, which takes time, is key here.

In the words of "there is no philosophical method". The most famous and radical philosopher of the 20th century did not create a philosophical system because he wanted to heal himself - and us - from philosophy. The reference to treatment is important because Wittgenstein compared philosophical work to medical or psychological work: "The philosopher addresses the question of how disease is treated."

When I say that Slow Thought is the anti-method, I put it in line with Wittgenstein's thought in Notes on the Philosophy of Psychology (1980):

“What we find in philosophy is trivial; it does not teach us new facts, only science teaches that. However, the correct presentation of these trivialities is unthinkably difficult - and is of gigantic importance. Philosophy, in essence, is the exposition of trivialities.

Let's look at this from a larger philosophical perspective. In the work of Badiou and Richard Rorty, two kinds of philosophers can be distinguished. Rorty calls them systematic and soul-saving philosophers, while Badiou calls them philosophers and anti-philosophers.

True philosophers discover the possibilities of thought and life. Systematic philosophers close the door to possibilities.

Systematic philosophers (according to Rorty) and true philosophers (according to Badiou) build systems of thought, often building their own materials (methods) for a philosophical building. The thinkers Plato and Aristotle, Augustine and Thomas Aquinas, Giambatitista Vico and Giordano Bruno, Thomas Hobbes and John Locke, Rene Descartes and Baruch Spinoza, Immanuel Kant and Husserl are all systematic philosophers. Others touch on soulful questions (Rorty) or undermine established systems of thought (Badiou's anti-philosophers). Badiou's anti-philosophers include the Apostle Paul, Friedrich Nietzsche, Sigmund Freud and his follower Lacan, and Wittgenstein.


After my philosophical studies of trauma and the event, I distinguish systematic, true philosophers as philosophers of the event, the discovery of possibilities - thought and life. Anti-philosophers are philosophers of trauma and the abyss, the closure of possibilities. What they have in common is a gap, understood as a caesura, discontinuity or gap. When a gap becomes a trauma/chasm, it is not necessarily a clinical trauma as perceived in psychiatry and psychoanalysis, but a trauma of cultural studies, which, while true to the way it is understood in the anti-philosophical tradition, is neither systematic nor constructive, it is destructive. and unlike clinical trauma does not require any intervention.

There is also a group of thinkers whom I call methodologists. They offer us new tools for thinking. They do not fit easily into the dichotomous categories of philosophy/anti-philosophy or systematic/soul-saving philosophers. I think of aspects of Nietzsche's philosophy, such as his genealogy, as a methodology. Although Badiou considers Wittgenstein an anti-philosopher, it is clear that Wittgenstein considered himself a great methodologist who avoided creating a philosophical system and, by clarifying language games, cleared up a number of philosophical pseudo-problems. From this point of view, Derrida is also better regarded as a methodologist who offers a number of extraordinary revelations about speech, culture and thought with concepts such as pharmakon, dissemination and iteration. Foucault and his devoted reader Agamben are methodologists. Foucault offers a number of methodologies - genealogy, archeology and problematization. Agamben has developed Foucault's archeology, whose genealogy he traces back to Nietzsche and Freud, into a sophisticated methodology that he calls philosophical archeology. Foucault defines self-care as a methodology for research, thought, and practice.

Slow thought is a method of counteraction as an analogue of anti-philosophy. Just as there are philosophers and anti-philosophers, there are methods and anti-methods. In this sense, we can classify Slow Thought as soul-beneficial philosophy and anti-philosophy - how Nietzsche, Wittgenstein and Derrida study the tools and methods of thought to clarify genealogies (Nietzsche), get rid of pseudo-problems (Wittgenstein) and reveal hidden, unknown and rejected roots, meanings and traces of words (Derrida).

7. Slow thought is slow

There is an excellent philosophical lesson in the form of a joke; Wittgenstein used it to warn philosophers against hasty conclusions.

Question:"How does one philosopher address another?"

Answer:"Give yourself time!"

In this Socrates differed from the eloquent sophists. The Sophists taught the Athenians rhetoric and effective defense, while Socrates spoke slowly and unhurriedly, even hesitantly, and could not defend himself - in the short term - against accusations of corrupting Athenian youth. History has rendered its verdict on these accusations.

Fly, fly, petal
Through the west to the east
Through the north, through the south,
Come back, make a circle,
As soon as you touch the ground
To be in my opinion led ...

Manifestation- this is the embodiment, materialization, manifestation of what is desired in life through a kind of ritual in the form of visualizations, mental manipulations of energy, etc.

Manifestation is a creative process in which you, like an artist painting a picture, create the life of your dreams.

EVERYTHING can be manifested: parking a car, getting into a university, getting a dream job, buying a house, meeting a soulmate partner, a spiritual teacher, grateful clients, in general, everything your soul desires! In fact, in real life we ​​manifest all the time, but the question is - what? Any thought in the "right mood" with sufficient energy and the vector of this energy is a potential manifestation. And if there are still no blocks for this manifestation, then we get it as ordered. This is especially evident in the little things: if you are afraid to be late, you are late; put on new tights - be sure to hook; if you leave the house without an umbrella, you will definitely manifest the rain))) But more about the manifestation mechanism later. Let's start with the rules.

Manifestation Rules

  1. Do not forget that what you wish to bring to life, should not harm anyone. Therefore, we always call for the manifestation to be realized in the best and highest way.
  2. During the manifestation in your heart there should be no fear. There is only room for LOVE! If you worry even for a second that what you want will not come true, then the manifestation will not work!
  3. During the manifestation the physical state must be resource. You have probably noticed that when you are weak or sick, the energy around you becomes like a viscous swamp. In a word, in a healthy body there is a healthy spirit, and therefore, there is a powerful potential for creating one's own reality.
  4. Manifest fires when you do this FOR MYSELF and not for anyone. The only exceptions are cases when the person himself asks you to help him strengthen his own manifestation - then you send him love and create a similar thought form, strengthening the energy of his desire.
  5. The power of manifestation in perseverance and perseverance, and at the same time — in letting go and trusting the Universe (the Creator).
  6. If you manifest several desires at once, then analyze whether they contradict each other.

Manifestation practices:

Manifestation: attracting a soul mate is a media course created on the basis of the ThetaHealing methodology.

The course is designed both for those who are in search of their soulmate, and for those who are already in a relationship. Exercise and meditation will help you change from the inside, clear your vibrations, work through ineffective programs, which will allow you to take relationships to a new level. And those who have not yet met their soul mate will be able to create all the conditions for attracting a quality and harmonious partner.

Meditation "Call of the Heart" is a practice based on the Thetahealing technique, which allows you to attract people of similar vibrations to you.

People whose activities are related to working with clients, as a rule, have similar qualities: sociability, openness, etc. But why do queues line up for one specialist, and the other only thinks about how the last client would not run away? At the same time, both can practically not differ from each other according to common criteria - education, abilities, charisma ... So what is the secret?

By changing yourself, you change the whole world! (With)

In this work, with brilliant clarity and brightness, a new worldview is outlined, consistent materialism, which also embraces the field of social life, dialectics, as the most comprehensive and profound doctrine of development, the theory of the class struggle and the world-historical revolutionary role of the proletariat, the creator of a new, communist society.

  1. Bourgeois and proletarians
  2. Proletarians and Communists
  3. Socialist and communist literature
    1. reactionary socialism
      1. Feudal socialism
      2. Petty-bourgeois socialism
      3. German or "true" socialism
    2. Conservative or bourgeois socialism
    3. Critically utopian socialism and communism
  4. Attitude of communists towards various opposition parties

Meaning

In The Communist Manifesto, Marx and Engels, for the first time in social science, defined a place in the history of mankind, showed its progressiveness in comparison with previous formations and the inevitability of its death. The founders of scientific communism showed that the entire history of society, with the exception of the primitive communal system (as Engels added in the preface to the German edition of the Manifesto, 1883), was the history of class struggle. In bourgeois society, an irreconcilable struggle between themselves is waged by two main classes hostile to each other - and. Having become the economically dominant class, the bourgeoisie has seized state power and is using it as a weapon to defend its selfish class interests and to suppress the working people. Marx and Engels revealed in the Manifesto the irreconcilable internal contradictions of bourgeois society. The capitalist relations of production, which contributed to the enormous growth of the productive forces, at a certain stage become an obstacle to the further development of production. The contradiction between the social character of production and the private form of appropriation - the main contradiction of capitalism - gives rise to economic crises, during which a significant part of finished products and productive forces are constantly destroyed.

In The Communist Manifesto, the world-historical role of the proletariat as the gravedigger of capitalist society and the builder of communism, the only completely consistent revolutionary class acting in the interests of all working people, is open and comprehensively substantiated. It is the working class that will deliver society from the yoke of capitalism by destroying the capitalist form of property and replacing it with public property. But to accomplish this task, the authors of the Manifesto point out, the working class can only use revolutionary violence against the bourgeoisie, through the proletarian socialist revolution. Marx and Engels substantiated the need to create a political party of the proletariat, revealed its historical role, defined its tasks, and explained the relationship between the party and the working class. In practice, the Communists, wrote the authors of the Manifesto,

“... they are the most resolute part of the workers’ parties of all countries, always encouraging them to move forward, and in theoretical terms they have an advantage over the rest of the mass of the proletariat in understanding the conditions, course and general results of the proletarian movement”

Although Marx and Engels in the "Manifesto" did not yet use the term "", however, the idea of ​​the proletarian dictatorship in this work was already expressed and substantiated by them.

“... The first step in the workers' revolution,” wrote Marx and Engels, “is the transformation of the proletariat into the ruling class, the conquest of democracy. The proletariat uses its political domination to wrest all capital from the bourgeoisie step by step, to centralize all the instruments of production in the hands of the state, i.e., the proletariat organized as the ruling class, and to increase the sum of the productive forces as quickly as possible.

The "Manifesto of the Communist Party" emphasizes that the destruction of the capitalist system, the elimination of the exploitation of man by man will put an end to national oppression and ethnic hatred. Marx and Engels noted that one of the main principles of the revolutionary activity of communists in various countries is their mutual assistance and support in the struggle against social oppression and exploitation, due to their common goals. The substantiation of this principle - the principle of proletarian internationalism - permeates the entire content of the Manifesto. Explaining the great and humane goals of the communists, Marx and Engels showed the complete groundlessness of the attacks on the communists by bourgeois ideologists, revealed the class limitations and self-serving nature of the bourgeoisie's ideas about marriage, morality, property, fatherland, etc.

In The Communist Manifesto, Marx and Engels subjected the socialist and communist literature of those years to scientific criticism; they revealed the class essence of the concepts underlying feudal socialism, petty-bourgeois socialism, so-called German or "true" socialism, as well as conservative or bourgeois socialism. The founders of scientific communism expressed their attitude towards the systems of critical utopian socialism, showed the unreality of these systems and at the same time revealed rational elements in the views of utopian socialists -,. Marx and Engels put forward important propositions on the tactics of the proletarian party. Communists, the Manifesto explained, are members of a consistently revolutionary party. They are

“...they fight for the immediate goals and interests of the working class, but at the same time, in the movement of today, they also defend the future of the movement”

The "Manifesto of the Communist Party" opened the way to a new era in the history of mankind, marked the beginning of a great revolutionary movement for the socialist transformation of the world. This little book, - V. I. Lenin wrote about the "Manifesto", - is worth whole volumes: the entire organized and fighting proletariat of the civilized world still lives and moves in its spirit.

Specificity of transformations

When presenting the content of the measures carried out by the proletariat, it is stipulated that in different countries their set may be different. Thus, in the most advanced countries, the following measures can be applied:

  1. Expropriation of landed property and conversion of land rent to cover public expenditures.
  2. High progressive tax.
  3. Cancellation of inheritance rights.
  4. Confiscation of the property of all emigrants and rebels.
  5. Centralization of credit in the hands of the state through a national bank with state capital and with an exclusive monopoly.
  6. Centralization of all transport in the hands of the state.
  7. An increase in the number of state factories, tools of production, clearing for arable land and improvement of land according to the general plan.
  8. The same obligation of labor for all, the establishment of industrial armies, especially for agriculture.
  9. The connection of agriculture with industry, the promotion of the gradual elimination of the distinction between town and country.
  10. Public and free education of all children. Elimination of factory labor of children in its modern form. The combination of education with material production, etc.

Recognizing that "arbitrary interference with property rights and bourgeois production relations" are measures "which seem economically insufficient and untenable", the authors of the Manifesto emphasized that in the course of the movement (these processes) these measures "outgrow themselves", and that they are inevitable as "a means for a revolution in the whole mode of production", and not as an end in themselves. It is significant that Marx at the same time harshly criticized the utopian "crude and ill-conceived communism" of those who simply extended the principle of private property to everyone ("common private property"). Crude communism, according to Marx, is the product of "worldwide envy".

Editions

The Manifesto is one of the most widespread works of scientific and political thought. In terms of the number of publications, it can be compared, perhaps, only with. The Communist Manifesto was first published in 1848 in London in German. It has been published in at least 70 countries, in more than 100 languages, over 1,000 times, with a total circulation of over 30 million copies. Almost 120 years ago, Engels already had every reason to state that “The history of the Manifesto largely reflects the history of the modern labor movement; at present it is undoubtedly the most widespread, the most international work of all socialist literature, a common program recognized by millions of workers from Siberia to California..

According to incomplete data, during the period 1848-71 there were about 770 editions in 50 languages. In the USSR, as of January 1, 1973, 447 editions of the Communist Manifesto were published with a total circulation of 24,341,000 copies in 74 languages.

Translations into Russian

  • 1869 - the first edition of the "Manifesto" in Russian in Geneva. The authorship of the translation is attributed, although the translator was not indicated on the book itself. The translation distorted the most important provisions of this document
  • 1882 - edition of the "Manifesto" in translation. With a special preface by Marx and Engels.
  • 1948 - anniversary edition of the "Manifesto" by IMEL (the translation of 1939 has been updated)
  • 1955 - Volume 4 of the "Works" of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels (2nd edition) prepared by the Marx-Engels-Lenin-Stalin Institute under the Central Committee of the CPSU is published. The volume includes the latest translation of the Communist Manifesto.

Notes

The page is blocked. Your IP address has been transferred to the Federal Security Service in connection with visiting extremist websites.

Similar posts